Phonological Resistance

Comments

Sounds like a phenomena in need of a good theory.
The behavior of Japanese is not really that hard to understand. Introducing a previously existing phoneme into a new position (like in "zoo") is no big change, and neither is introducing new consonant clusters when various other consonant clusters also exist (or the cluster in question exists medially, even). Japanese, however, is very strictly (C)(j)V(N, Q). I imagine the voiceless vowels also help to nudge them towards nativizing clusters by epenthesis. (I would go as far as to predict Japanese to be within 200 years full of consonant clusters resulting from their loss. And probably to have develop'd proper /u/ from /o:/, but I digress.)

For the substitutions then, [v] being an alien sound in the area, it's no wonder they substitute /b/, and similarly, since their /r/ can be partially lateral, it therefore matches both "usual" /r/ and /l/. In Finnish, we similarly match /v/ and /w/ into /ʋ/. I was in my twenties before lerning that there even [i]is[/i] as distinction between [v] and [ʋ].

I don't see the re-introduction of sC- in French as very problematic either; AFAIK it's found mostly in international words (very recent loans aside), and speakers familiar with those should also be familiar with a number of languages (Latin or not) that do have such clusters. So we are not talking about Latin affecting French as a whole, as much as every non-Western-Romance IE language of Europe affecting the French of the academically literate, and that then diffusing to affect the rest of French.

Finally, what do you mean "all instances of /s/ are loan phonemes in Dutch"?? Is s before a consonant never /s/?
The behavior of Japanese is in many ways justifiable. And indeed the devoicing of vowels helps along keeping things intact, nevertheless just because it's readily understood, doesn't explain why some languages manage to loan /v/ while they only have /b/ while others don't. Sadly Swahili as an example is of no help here since it actually has a /v/, but I'm still fairly sure there's languages that did eventually gain a /v/.

So my point was, that languages resistant to changes in phonology, can't be readily explained. There's good motivations. The problem is that these motivations usually don't go for 'all' languages. Why does phillipino struggle less with the loaned /f/ than Korean? Korean absolutely refuses to introduce /f/ and continues to use /p/, while at least in some part of the speaking population of the phillipines /f/ really does exist.

What seems like a reasonable explanation for resisting change in one languages just refuses to transfer to another language with a comparable phonology. That's odd, shouldn't there at least be some kind of study on why some languages resist harder than others?

As for /s/ in Dutch, s before a consonant is an allophone of /z/. You can't say [z] is an allophone of /s/ because then minimal pairs of fee and vee would get in the way. Though of course for synchronical discriptions of the language the issue is hardly relevant. I bet plenty of phonologies of Dutch would say that /s/ as in soep is the same /s/ as in schrijven, but diachronically it's wrong. Depends on how you look at it I guess.

This is a good topic which I admit to not thinking about deeply until you've mentioned it now. When I was reading this entry, my mind immediately thought of the curious instance of Etruscan streteθ written in the Liber Linteus. I call it "curious" because all other instances of word-initial clusters I've collected into my database have at most two consonants, never three. So this fact has already suggested to me that the word is a recent loan, probably from Latin. Etruscan then would have been adopting the occasional three-consonant cluster from neighbouring Indo-European languages.

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