Genitivesis Issue or the Genitivos Issue?
So, I had my Hittite 2 test today. It included Hittite, Hieroglyphic Luwian and Lycian. It went fine, but as I was busy working with it, I stumbled upon the last question of the test which went as follows: What can you tell about the genitive in Anatolian languages?
The answer was easy enough, and I'll give it as an introduction that is to come.
Anatolian languages seem to have two separate ways of creating a genitive construction. One is by the typical genitive ending suffixed to the possesor. This is Proto-Anatolian *-as (Hitt. -aš, Luw. -as, Lyc. -eh). This just goes back to the typical Indo-European genitive suffix *-ós (although some might argue it's the other way around).
What is interesting about the *-ós suffix though, is that it is also seen in the Anatolian a-stems (PIE o-stems), while in the later PIE languages we tend to find the pronominal *-eso, or even a *-esio (and maybe *-eio).
The other way of creating a genitive construction is the -ssi- suffix (Luw. -esi, Lyc. -ehi), oddly enough this formation seems to be absent in Hittite, while it is dominant in Hieroglyphic Luwian and Lycian, and the only formation in Cuneiform Luwian. This formation is typically Anatolian and works quite different from what you're used to.
I'll give an example of both the traditional genitive construction, and the Anatolian genitive.
Both forms can be found in a Lycian trilingual on the founding of Xanthos (a Lycian city). The *-as genitive is used as a so called onomastic genitive (a genitive used for names), while the *-ssi- genitive is used for nouns.
ẽke Trm̃isñ χssaϑrapazate Pigesere Katamlah tideimi
'When Pigesere son of Katamla became Xadrape of Lycia....'
The Genitive construction here is Katamlah tideimi. where -ah goes back to *-as (though we would expect **-eh, but there's still many things we don't fully understand about the *a>e shift in Lycian.)
se-t-ahñtãi χñtawatehi χbidẽñnehi sey-ArKKazumahi
'and to be of the king of Kaunos, and of Arkesima'
And there we have, not one, not two, but three -ssi-genitives!
χñtawatehi, χbidẽñnehi, ArKKazumahi. What's interesting (though not particularly visible in this example), about the -ssi- suffix, is that it makes it a new noun, which afterwards, just conjugates like any normal noun. So *-ssi-s is the Nominative, *-ssi-n is the accusative, etc.
So here is approximately where I ended my answer, and, my answer had less cool examples and diachronic notes, but you get the point.
So, now that we have an overview of Anatolian genitives. Let's look at some other Indo-European languages.
First Greek:
Standard for all consonant stems is the -ος genitive. For example:
πατηρ > πατρος
o-stems though, work differently. they end in -ου. For example:
ἱππος > ἱππου
This ending could come from a variety of sources.
Some idea's are: *eso, *eo, *ejo but definitely not *esio. The first *e could also be an *o, and technically the final *o could be an *e if the first letter is an *o. *eo is dismissable if we're to assume it's from an Indo-European origin.
*eso is the most likely, since this is what we see in the pronouns, which in most cases seem to work the same as the o-stems.
Gothic has -is, which should be safely derrived from *eso as well.
But then comes Sanskrit to screw it all up!
Taking the same examples (etymologically) as Greek:
pitā > pituḥ पिता > पितुः
This formation is rather weird, I believe it points to a *-r-s ending, and thus proterodynamic rather than hysterodynamic as seen in Greek. It's not that relevent though, the word for horse (an a-stem (PIE *o-stem)) shows a very odd genitive:
aśvaḥ > aśvasya अश्वः > अश्वस्य
An -asya suffix. This could be from a variety of sources, the likeliest ones are *esio or *osio. It might just be me, but I think the -sy- part looks an awful lot like the Anatolian *-ssi- suffix e-si-o. An *e thematic vowel, *-si- suffix, and an *-o ending. What exactly this *o-ending would be is unclear. Maybe it's an *-e, and then it would be an old vocative suffix. Maybe it's based on the pronominal ending *-eso which might have sounded enough like *-esi to start influencing each other.
When I presented this idea to a fellow student of mine, he pointed out the rather odd dative plural of consonant stems in Greek, which is made with a -σι(ν) suffix as well!
It's hard to explain how a genitive *-si- ended up in a dative plural. But the current explanation isn't too satisfying either. People generally compare it with the Sanskrit locative suffix -su सु/षु. But an ablaut of i/u isn't what we like to see in Indo-European.
So to conclude. There's two types of genitive constructions in Anatolian languages. The true genitive *-as and the genitival stem extension *-ssi-. There are some indications, especially in Sanskrit, that this suffix may have already existed in Indo-European itself, but only ended up being productive as a separate category in the Anatolian languages.
I am quite sure there's other Indo-European languages that have evidence for a -si- genitive like Sanskrit does, maybe Slavic languages? I'm not sure, but if you know, please leave a message.
Comments
Genitives are an interesting world to delve into. So much to say, but I also need sleep. So I'll be as brief as possible.
You divide an ending *-esio up into thematic *-e-, **-si- and **-o, but may I suggest instead: genitive *-(e/o)s plus relative pronominal stem *yo-. I reckon that this ending, added in pre-IE, would have helped to disambiguate the nominative from the genitive in thematic stems nicely.
Then on to the next topic: "morphological redetermination". Etruscologists already stumbled over this a while ago. Example: Uni, the name of a goddess equivalent to Greek Hera or Roman Juno, receives the genitive -al to become Unial "of Uni". However, Unial in turn can mean "(temple) of Uni" and hence with the addition of the inessive postclitic -thi, we get Unial-thi meaning "in (the temple) of Uni". Strange as this all seems, this is amply attested as a quirky feature of Etruscan morphology. Chalk it up to yet another Aegeo-Anatolian areal feature, I say.
As for genitives in *-si, I don't remember seeing that without the terminating vowel. Either I'm delirious from lack of sleep, or possibly have you confused this ending with the issue of those other case endings formed with locative particle *bhi (*-bhi/*-bhyoh1)? This is what Plank lists for genitive variants in Indo-European (Plank, Double Case: Agreement by Suffixaufnahme (1995), p.244): click here. He attributes Greek -ou to *-osyo not *-eso or *-oso (note the Mycenaean example), however Gothic -is is assigned to *-eso.
It's interesting that Attic lost this intervocalic iota though, that's not common practice.
as for genitives in *-si, I don't remember seeing that without the terminating vowel.
I'm not really sure what you mean. Anatolian clearly has this -ssi- suffix, which is generally only followed by consonants.
Or are you referring to:
I am quite sure there's other Indo-European languages that have evidence for a -si- genitive like Sanskrit does, maybe Slavic languages? I'm not sure, but if you know, please leave a message.
Because then, I meant -si- with a terminating vowel. Since Sanskrit has that too .
Splitting up the genitive as *os-io is probably more plausible. Interesting to once again see Greek and Indo-Aryan in the same boat. This further strengthens my 'Graeco-Aryan' hypothesis.
It's just the sudden realisation of a possible Indo-European correspondence to the Anatolian genitival suffix -ssi- which got me really excited. If the *o-si-o is indeed wrong, it makes me wonder where the genitival Anatolian suffix -ssi- did come from.
Phoenix: "Throughout the Iliad you almost exclusively see -oio, which indeed safely goes back to *osio."
Hooray! I'm a geek :P
Phoenix: "I'm not really sure what you mean. Anatolian clearly has this -ssi- suffix, which is generally only followed by consonants."
I'm not talking about the quality of the vowel itself. The Anatolian languages are reflecting *-i- in their genitives and it's common to attribute this to an adjectival origin instead of directly from PIE *-ós.
I'm however refering to your etymological claim mentioned above: "An *e thematic vowel, *-si- suffix, and an *-o ending." As far as I know, there is no such morpheme **-si- used as a genitive in Common IE, nor is there any good motivation for the **-o ending. The prototypical genitive in PIE remains *-ós. It is secondarily reduced to *-s in some athematic paradigms or elaborated upon with *-yo, which I deduce is an archaic unmarked oblique case form of the relative pronoun stem *yo- introduced after Syncope in Late IE (although I'm pretty sure most linguists don't analyse it quite this way... yet :P).
Hence I think we should divide the genitive as *-(o)s-yo instead. The form *-(o)so is just an eroded form of earlier *-(o)syo and unless I'm missing something, I would hesitate to attribute *-(o)so to PIE itself. So while your etymology assumes unattested morphemes **-si- and **-o, I can explain it with attested morphemes *-(o)s and *yo-. Semantically, *X-s-yo would in effect mean "of/with that of X". I believe this was a necessary circumlocution to avoid nominative-genitive case merger in thematic paradigms if this stem weren't agglutinated. (Right before the fragmentation of PIE, it seems to me that PIE quickly became an increasingly synthetic language. So IE speakers seem to have began to shy away from simple endingless oblique forms like Late IE *yo, in favour of more complex ones, using tactics such as agglutinating a declinable stem to receive case endings like intervening *-sm̥- < *sem- "one". But I digress.)
Phoenix: "This further strengthens my 'Graeco-Aryan' hypothesis."
Actually, I hate to burst your bubble, but it's standard theory that Hellenic and Indo-Iranian dialects were indeed side-by-side in the Proto-IE linguistic area. The "centum-satem" isogloss line divides them.
Phoenix: "If the *o-si-o is indeed wrong, it makes me wonder where the genitival Anatolian suffix -ssi- did come from."
Have you read this pdf by Melchert entitled Genitive case and Possessive Adjective in Anatolian?
But often centum-satem is seen as a very strict line dividing the two dialectal regions to almost have no influence any more. And I think that, looking at Greek and Indo-Aryan it is clear that that is absolutely not the case. The verbal system is just too similar.
I'm currently thinking that a great part of our reconstructions of the current Indo-European verbal system is far more exclusive to this graeco-aryan dialect than 'real' PIE. The verbal systems displayed by both Gothic and Tocharian are so different from Greek and Indo-Aryan, it's difficult to assume, and no reason to do so that Gothic and Tocharian just threw the rather complex stuff right out of the window (And for Tocharian, assuming a new system infinitely more insane than any of the other systems that developed). I touched upon this in my post about reduplication, and if I find more I'll discuss it too ;-)
Have you read this pdf by Melchert entitled Genitive case and Possessive Adjective in Anatolian?
I hadn't! Thanks.
Phoenix: "But often centum-satem is seen as a very strict line dividing the two dialectal regions to almost have no influence any more."
True. I blame lingering PIE tree diagrams for that, the ones published from yesteryear that are used and reused in new books. They corrupt us modern neophytes into resurrecting the "centum-satem split" myth until we're finally talked down from the clouds with a little wave theory. But there are also lots of discussions on "centumized" words wandering into satem dialects like Balto-Slavic and vice versa. (Read Fortson, Indo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction (2002), p.365.) We should expect wanderwords happening between both sides of the isogloss line and it would be rather odd if this didn't happen. The big problem that IEists have is actually proving that specific words really are examples of loans between neighbouring dialects of PIE rather than products of internal processes. So breathe easy. What you're saying isn't risqué at all. Be strong, be proud, say it loud! :)